The challenge now is to ensure that the social force that intervened in recent weeks does not become subordinated again to the timing and limitations of a government “tragically” conditioned by its internal makeup (the system of alliances that comprise it) and by the renewed strength that Bolsonarism won in Congress in the first round of elections.
We oppose any U.S. invasion. We call for an end to the current U.S. blockade of oil deliveries. And we call for an end to the U.S. embargo that dates from the early 1960s. Moreover, if Cubans want to emigrate to the U.S., we welcome them along with all other immigrants who are targets of Trump’s xenophobia.
Trump and Rubio’s determination to achieve regime change in Havana is not solely ideological. It is also bound up with US geopolitical interests in a world in which inter-imperial rivalries have deepened.
Despite the momentous shift heralded by Kast’s election, though, it is unlikely to change one of the principal challenges of Chile’s democracy in the 21st century: voter discontent and disenchantment.
In the global context of authoritarianism becoming the new normal of capitalist democracy, a victorious far right will double down on every channel of exploitation (pushing down wages, pensions and social spending) with a confidence that will not spare state repression, aiming to isolate the more politically advanced sections of the working class.
We are with the people in the streets to defend their vote. We are on the side of their democratic demands. But at the same time, we mark distance with the political leaderships that are trying to manipulate them or use them as “cannon fodder.”
Addicted to social media, Milei acts like a true president-troll, in the mold of Donald Trump. Armies of followers—both organized and spontaneous—support him with violent online attacks, using enflamed rhetoric and memes to discredit the opposition.
Just as European colonizers claimed that they were on a “civilizing mission” when they invaded, occupied, and plundered Black and Brown nations over a period of centuries, the U.S.’s stated aim of “helping” Haiti is likewise patently false. The U.S. has controlled Haiti’s destiny for over a century, and building a genuine democracy there has never been on the U.S.’s agenda.
“We would point out that repression in Nicaragua is increasing. There is no freedom of the press or of information. No one is allowed to think differently from the regime, because people risk imprisonment or exile, and the confiscation of all their property.”
Here, the ISP translates and republishes a report on the recent landslide election in Guatemala of the reformist candidate Bernardo Arévalo. This article appeared first on the independent Guatemalan news site Divergentes. Correspondencia de Prensa republished it.
On May 7, the Chilean right scored a major victory in elections to choose delegates to draft a new constitution for the country. The conservatives, who mostly want to maintain the current constitution drawn up under the Pinochet dictatorship, have more than the 60 percent support in the constitutional council they need to write the new constitution without having to offer any concessions to the left.
Three weeks after his arrest by the regime of President Daniel Ortega made international headlines, one of Nicaragua’s most renowned intellectuals, Oscar René Vargas, has been indicted by the government with “conspiracy to undermine national integrity” and other trumped-up charges.
A rapid end to the Peruvian crisis appears unlikely after the right-wing “soft coup” against President Pedro Castillo.
This brief note on the current situation in the lead-up to the October 30 Brazilian elections is written by the socialist Valerio Arcary, a member of Resistencia, a current inside the Party of Socialism and Freedom (PSOL).
In this article, originally published in the Uruguayan newspaper Brecha, and republished in Correspondencia de Prensa, the Uruguayan socialist journalist Raúl Zibechi argues that Bolsonaro’s strong second-place finish in the recent Brazilian presidential election showed that the far right is deeply rooted in Brazilian society, even if it may not defeat Lula in the October 30 presidential runoff.
