The US is now trying to squeeze Iran with still harsher economic sanctions. These, together with the bombing and the blockade of its oil exports, are having an effect. But Tehran will not easily succumb to pressure.
The US is now trying to squeeze Iran with still harsher economic sanctions. These, together with the bombing and the blockade of its oil exports, are having an effect. But Tehran will not easily succumb to pressure.
The balance sheet for the “socialist” wave won’t be known until November. But there is a good chance that DSA members could add Los Angeles and Washington, DC to New York on the roster of U.S. cities with “democratic socialist” mayors. Democratic primary victories in New York, Philadelphia and Denver could add three to four more DSA members to Congress. And DSA-adjacent progressives like Michigan senate candidate Abdul El-Sayed could boost liberal Democrats in the next U.S. Congress.
Although the movement initially called only for administrative changes and the removal of Pradhan, it broadened to demand the release of detained protesters and the removal of Modi himself, a wide range of anti-Modi chants being taken up by protesters on the streets of Delhi. Like other uprisings over the last few years, slogans to do with the liberation of Palestine and opposing the government’s ties to Israel were raised by the left of the movement. Then, on 20 July, the movement really took off.
Sugar is a heavily subsidized industry that has made the Fanjuls billionaires with an estimated worth of $4billion. They are personal friends of President Donald Trump and live near his Mar-a-lago estate.
For Lenin, the right of nations to self-determination was one of the fundamental tasks of the socialist revolution, and he regarded its denial as a betrayal of socialism. But the aim of the socialist revolution is not merely to resolve the national question; rather, it is to annihilate the very foundations of all forms of oppression and exploitation. Therefore, like Marx and Engels, Lenin viewed every democratic question—including the national question—within its historical context, and adopted a position based on the historical interests of the working class.
In the early 19th century at the start of the industrial revolution in Britain, a group of skilled weavers tried to resist the introduction of machine weaving in the early 19th century by various means, including sabotaging and wrecking the machines. They were called Luddites. Now it seems that a form of Luddism has returned over AI. Just as the Luddites had a case about protecting their livelihoods, so do Gen Z workers now.
“We are still in emergency mode. We are simply trying to enhance our people’s resilience and preserve their dignity. Gaza’s future remains uncertain. Everything we are doing is an emergency measure. We cannot address the root cause. All we can do is take a humanitarian approach to keep people from falling into the abyss.”
Throughout U.S. history, conservative and reactionary forces have taken advantage of the perfectly legal ways that the Constitution allows political minorities to veto or derail the popular will. That was how the Jim Crow Democrats maintained their control over the South and the federal government for a century. It’s how the loser of the popular vote became president five times, including twice in the last quarter century.
Just as slavery did not end because plantation owners suddenly developed a conscience, today’s ruling class will fight tooth and nail against making concessions to workers and the oppressed until they are forced to, from below.
The U.S. deferred all its ostensible reasons for the war— “regime change,” Iran’s nuclear program or Iran’s support of regional allies—to an undetermined future, if they are considered all. In diplomatic practice, deferring “hard questions” to future negotiations is often a way of never resolving them.
As the conference closed, what remained was not simply a collection of workshops, panels, or speeches, but a clear call to action: incarcerated journalism cannot survive in isolation. Again and again, speakers returned to the idea that writing is not merely documentation—it is resistance, survival, accountability, and connection.
The Trump administration has hijacked the 250th anniversary of the U.S. Declaration of Independence not only for its crass grifts, but to promote its ideological view of U.S. history. This view rests on comforting myths about the history of the nation that conservatives and many liberals embrace. Two U.S. socialists dispel the myths and tell a history that Trump and his enablers would like to bury.
With a few weeks to go before the start of the Teamsters’ union convention in Las Vegas, a major push is on to deny Richard Hooker the five per cent of delegates needed for him and his Fearless slate to be nominated. While there is still much skullduggery afoot to trash the reputation of Richard Hooker, the first African-American candidate for General President of the Teamsters, most of it is now quite open and increasingly nasty, as he challenges Sean O’Brien, the pro-Trump leader of the union.
By the late 1970s, the rank-and-file rebellion was over, and the “party-building” projects of many groups had collapsed and disintegrated, in many cases with great regrets, anger, and bitterness among people who only a few years earlier had been committed comrades. There are many lessons for today for from this era, both good and bad, but to mine the past requires honesty, sometimes brutal honesty to assess what happened and why, and what were the political consequences.
We oppose any U.S. invasion. We call for an end to the current U.S. blockade of oil deliveries. And we call for an end to the U.S. embargo that dates from the early 1960s. Moreover, if Cubans want to emigrate to the U.S., we welcome them along with all other immigrants who are targets of Trump’s xenophobia.