Labor Notes: April month of trouble making (part III)

This is the last in a series of three articles. Click here to read the first part of the series.

Amazon: it’s not just Bessemer

Following the defeat at Bessemer, many labor movement activists have wanted to know more about what exactly is going on inside of Amazon. The April 24 session, “Organizing At Amazon: Lessons Learned and the Work Ahead” provided a great deal of information on that issue. There were four speakers: veteran longshore leader Peter Olney, labor journalist Lauren Kaori Gurley, and two young organizers from Amazonians United (AU).

The sheer scale of Amazon was the first point made. It is the second largest company in the country with over a million employees. By way of comparison, there were 350,000 auto workers during the great UAW organizing drive of 1942.Amazon is planning major expansions into package delivery, shipping, and groceries. It therefore stands as a major challenge to the jobs of Teamsters at UPS, members of the ILWU and ILA on the docks, and UFCW members in the grocery industry. (Remember, Amazon owns Whole Foods). Its air freight operation is already underway and it is contemplating purchasing ocean carriers.

Amazon’s operational model includes “built-in redundancy” so that a problem, or workers’ action,in one sector can be rapidly circumnavigated. The company is structured around a series of installations: fulfillment centers, air sortation centers, last mile delivery centers, and finally drivers who are classified as independent contractors. Inside the facilities, an elaborate stratification system exists. There are five levels: white badges—temporary workers, blue badges—permanent workers, blue vests—lead workers, red vests—shift supervisors, and finally management. One of Amazon’s new procedures is the “megacycle”. This is a horrific 1:00 AM until 11:00 AM shift. This is being put in place to facilitate same day delivery systems.

The situation is complicated by a very high turnover rate. One speaker likened it to a bathtub with both the taps and drain permanently open. Young workers often don’t see themselves spending their lives there. They feel less involved and can be less interested in fightbacks in the workplace. The most put upon section of the workforce are the delivery drivers. They can be expected to make up to four hundred deliveries per day. They are subject to increasing technological surveillance. These are the workers who recently received national publicity when their workload was such that they were forced to urinate in bottles while on their routes.

This then is the overall situation in which unions at Amazon have to operate. Two aspects of union activity were discussed at the workshop. They were Amazonians United and Bessemer. Amazonians United is an active group of workers fighting to improve conditions at Amazon. They have a track record of involvement in real struggles in Chicago, Sacramento, and New York. Their members are clearly capable and dedicated.

However, some aspects of their outlook require further discussion. They believe in what they term minority or solidarity unionism. By this they mean that groups activists should not wait for employer or government recognition (recognition in NLRB type elections/ becoming the exclusive bargaining agent). before acting like a union. The Amazonians United militants argue that mutual aid should play an important role in our work and the formation of traditional representational trade unions is not the overriding task.

The problem with this approach is that, in current conditions, workers’ interests can be far better advanced by a recognized union that is able to deal directly with the employer. These unions have far greater resources, technical knowhow, legal protections, and membership numbers than rank and file committees. They can therefore protect and represent workers much more effectively. It’s just not true to say the 738 workers who voted for the RWDSU can now function as their own union at Bessemer. They don’t have the organizational structures and legal openings that a union local with a collective bargaining agreement would have. This is a discussion that will need to be continued with our fellow activists of Amazonians United.

Bessemer did not dominate the workshop. This was probably for three reasons. Many of the participants had probably already taken part in numerous discussions about it. Secondly, there was the somewhat stand-offish approach of the AU to NLRB elections. Thirdly one of the AU organizers made a very important point. There was much greater interest in Bessemer in what he termed the “activist media” than there was on the shop floor. This point of balance and proportion is very well taken. Our focus is always the real consciousness and activity of the working class.

Labor and climate change

The “Labor and Climate Change Solutions” session was held on April 25. There were two speakers. One was David Yao, the Vice-President of the Seattle postal workers and a well- known labor activist.The other was a representative from the Amazon Employees for Climate Justice. David outlined a number of steps that would further labor involvement in the environmental struggle. He explained that unions could campaign on the environmental impact of their employer. An example was the APWU proposal that the Post Office vehicle fleet be electrically powered. David then detailed educational work among union members on environmental issues. This took the form of traditional events like workshops and also using resolutions at union conferences as ways of sparking discussion. The campaign against the current running down of the USPS is well known. David spoke of the successful attempt to involve environmental organizations in this work.

Amazon Employees for Climate Justice (AECJ) was not formed around workplace issues and while very supportive of worker organizing does not see itself as a union type organization. AECJ’s great accomplishment was the September 2019 walkout. This was a real example of mass action to defend the environment.

David Yao used Post Office vehicle mechanics as an example to make perhaps the most important point of the evening. Many mechanics were hostile to electrical vehicles which they saw as a threat to their jobs. Many workers see Green measures as endangering their livelihoods. This is the reason that we call for a Just Transition. Just Transition means that all workers will be guaranteed their wages and benefits until Green jobs are found for them. This involves retraining at employer expense and the retooling of factories for environmental reasons. The point is that workers will not lose out during the transition in production. This is the only way to win worker support for the environmental struggle.

Teachers: a very difficult year

Current school conditions are well-known: chaotic organization, dangers of Covid infection, technological nightmares, and student disengagement. This turmoil formed the backdrop to the Labor Notes teachers’ session on April 27. The aim of the meeting was to show some hope and perspective in a situation where, in the words of the chairperson, “we haven’t been able to win all we hoped to win.”

The organizers selected two examples to make this point. The first was the work of the Montclair Education Association (MEA) in New Jersey. The Montclair speaker began by stressing the excellent point that organizers should always start from the real level of consciousness of the workers that they are trying to reach, not their own level of consciousness. She then explained the successful work of the MEA. They were faced with the widespread problem of the administration demanding to return to in-person learning before the health metrics permitted it. First, a group of thirty teachers were ordered to report in person. These workers took the decision to continue to teach, but remotely. This subjected them to intense management pressure, including the Superintendent calling them individually between 10:30 and 11:00 the night before to warn them to report in person. The group held firm. The union formed a “circle of protection” around these workers to help them through this difficult process. The “circle of protection” picketed, did PR, and individually supported the thirty.

The same process was repeated in January when 507 elementary teachers were told to report in person. The situation eventually wound up in court, when the judge found that there was not an illegal strike as the teachers were continuing to work only remotely. So, the MEA eventually prevailed. Montclair is a good example of what can be done even during the pandemic.

The meeting also heard about a different type of teacher activity. The work of Virginia CORE in building an opposition caucus in the union was explained. It was clear from the discussion that a good deal of exhaustion and demoralization exists among teachers today. Union militants have to work to overcome this. A CTU speaker explained the importance of union structures and discussion as a means of combating isolation and atomization. Towards the end of the meeting, one teacher said the crucial question is “This is happening. Now what are we going to do about it?” This idea of working a course of action out of demoralization is good advice for teachers. It’s good advice for all union militants.

Defending co-workers

The final session of the conference was on April 30. The theme was “How to Defend Co-workers in Disciplinary Meetings.” The meeting started off with an introduction for those new to union activity: what is a ULP, grievances, the role of stewards, etc. The session then moved on the heart of the matter: how union representatives should function during disciplinary meetings with management. There was a good deal of solid advice: don’t let the employer choose which union representative should attend the meeting, make full use of the right to caucus, and ensure that all members are fully aware of their Weingarten rights.

There were different perspectives on how union representatives should function in initial disciplinary meetings. Some participants argued that the focus should be on information gathering and making sure that due process rights were observed. I argued that right from the start of the process the union rep should function as an assertive defense lawyer. Other participants made some responses to this view. It was stated that, if we want to achieve a ratio of one steward for every ten union members, not every steward could be expected to know all of the contract language and laws needed for effective representation. The answer to this is that this is exactly the reason why the union selects which officer should be the representative at grievances.

One trade unionist at the meeting said that an assertive representative at an initial meeting might use a line of argument that could turn out to be tactically disadvantageous. That’s certainly true. It’s exactly the reason why the union members have a right to expect that their representatives know the necessary procedures and have the required skills.

It was raised that an overly vigorous defense might preclude us from finding out management’s game plan. This counter position is misplaced. Vigorous defense does not mean not listening carefully. I don’t think that there are many occasions in this county today when union reps talk over management and don’t let management get a word in!

A much better approach was provided in the script of an imaginary scenario that the organizers had prepared for us. This script contained two scenes. One was a poor case of union representation, the other a successful one. In the positive example the union activist made an energetic intervention into the situation. That’s the perspective we should be advocating. One of the strengths of Labor Notes is that it provides a forum where activists can weigh different approaches and compare experiences.

Conclusion

A fifteen session online event, held over a month, is very different from a large weekend in-person conference. However, it was certainly the best plan in the current circumstances. Labor Notes has built a very competent and serious apparatus. It is a real accomplishment to flawlessly organize, on Zoom, so many sessions with multiple speakers, frequent break-out groups, online documents, etc. The conference provided an excellent place for trade unionists to discuss the main issues facing the labor movement. Hats off to Labor Notes!