Analysis, Middle East, World

Growing solidarity movement faces new Israeli offensive

The long-awaited Israeli attack on Rafah has now begun. This represents the “end of the beginning” of Israel’s attempt to force the Palestinian population out of Gaza. Simultaneously, the international Palestine solidarity movement goes from strength to strength. The aim of this article is to discuss the current situation in Gaza and the significance of the massive wave of young people’s demonstrations it has caused.

The Israeli offensive today

Rafah is an important military objective for Israel. It is the only significant part of Gaza that the IDF has not yet entered. It will be impossible for Israel to claim victory without at least some entry into Rafah. So far, the Israeli incursion has been moving at a surprisingly slow pace. There are a number of reasons for this. The IDF will be engaged in close quarters, house to house, warfare against an enemy that still retains some fighting capacity. So prior bombardment and tactical caution make military sense. Israel may also be feeling its way carefully about how far it can attack Rafah and still maintain US support.

Renewed fighting has broken out in central Gaza in territory that the IDF has already entered. This means that Israel is far from consolidating its occupation of Gaza. Hamas has been weakened, but not defeated. The Israeli army has been able to enter territory but not to control it. This is a serious challenge for an occupying army.

The magnitude of the human tragedy is well known. To date, the Palestinian death toll stands at more than 35,000. We can add to this number at least 20,000 under the rubble whose bodies have not yet been excavated. Israel has blocked relief from Egypt and the United Nations. Settlers have attacked food convoys attempting to enter Gaza. In a move that can only be described as macabre surrealism, Israel has told Palestinians that the tiny coastal town of Al Mawasi is now the indicated safe haven. Al Mawasi normally has a population of under 1,500. There are no fresh water supplies, sewage systems, housing, food, and medical facilities for thousands of new refugees. It’s not an exaggeration or purple prose to describe it as a death trap.

It’s important to remember that high civilian casualties are a conscious objective of Israeli military policy. Israel wishes to force the Palestinian population out of Gaza, and tomorrow the West Bank, altogether. This is a crucial precondition for the long-term Zionist goal of an Eretz Israel. A high death toll makes future Palestinian emigration much more likely and therefore serves Israeli purposes.

Biden has been distancing himself from the Netanyahu government. There have been numerous statements from administration officials to this effect. There was a pause in the shipment of the heavy bombs. There was a warning that there would be further supply reductions if Rafah was attacked. The administration has stated that there have been civilian casualties due to US munitions. The State Department declared that some IDF actions have been inconsistent with international humanitarian law.

Now, hasn’t the Palestine solidarity movement always said that “Genocide Joe” is joined at the hip to Israel? What’s going on here?

The main point is to understand that defending Israel, while very important, is only one of US imperialism’s objectives in the Middle East. It has to protect Saudi Arabia, the Gulf States, and generally promote stability in the oil-producing region. Israel’s provocations can endanger these other projects. Therefore, from time to time, Israel needs to be called to order.

This is by no means unprecedented. In 1956, Eisenhower threatened to cut US aid during the Suez crisis. Reagan withheld cluster bombs during the Israeli invasion of Lebanon. Bush Senior threatened to block $7.9 billion in loans if any of the money went to new settlements in Gaza and the West Bank.

Biden will continue to fundamentally support Israel, but he has to walk a tightrope when Israeli actions threaten other US foreign policy objectives.

While Israel has inflicted great harm on the Palestinian people, the war has not been going as Netanyahu wishes. Fighting with Hamas flares up in areas thought to be subdued. The Palestinian organizations continue to exist. Divisions at the top of Israeli politics are increasing. Both Gallant and Ganz have spoken of leaving the War Cabinet. Crucially, Israel’s international image lies in tatters.

These hurdles have caused Israel to double down and for the leadership to be more and more frenzied. Netanyahu refuses to discuss any “day after” plan for the long-term future of Gaza. Each day, Bibi and his supporters make more bellicose statements. The settlers have been given the green light to rampage through the West Bank. Even the mildest critical statements are denounced as antisemitic and pro-Nazi. The propaganda machine against the solidarity movement is on maximum overdrive.

Growth of the solidarity movement

One of the reasons for Israel’s desperation is the extraordinary growth of the Palestine solidarity movement. Sharon Smith recently wrote a very careful overview of this movement. My aim here is somewhat different. It is to argue that this movement represents an important new layer of young activists and therefore significantly changes the overall situation that the revolutionary left finds itself in. These are the reasons for making this assessment.

  • The breadth of the movement. Almost 3,000 have been arrested at demonstrations on 140 campuses. Tens of thousands have participated in the marches and encampments.
  • The bravery of the movement. These young militants were attacked by an organized group of pro-Israeli and far right thugs at UCLA. Police stood by for hours and passively watched the goon assault. The massive police operation at Columbia has received a great deal of coverage. Campus protests are frequently met by police in full riot gear. On May 18, a demonstration in Bay Ridge in Brooklyn was violently attacked by the police.

Our militants have not just faced physical violence. They face a veritable tidal wave of university discipline, on-line threats, retaliation at work, doxing, and threats of blacklisting to prevent future career opportunities. In this regard, filming demonstrators has become a favored tactic of pro-Israel forces at rallies and marches. The young people have stood up magnificently against these assaults.

  • The organization of the movement. Let me give a personal example. I visited two of the encampments in the Chicago area. There were highly visible marshals, food tents, medical tents, legal resources, and attention given to hygiene and maintenance. On May 5, there was a provocative Zionist counter demonstration at the DePaul encampment. In response, the students formed a linked arms line stretching across the whole quad area, about two city blocks. This line did not move an inch for two and half hours. While this was the first time many of these young people had participated in such a confrontational activity, they stood their ground admirably.
  • The high level of mobilization. The Chicago Coalition for Justice in Palestine has organized thirty-eight demonstrations since the war began. The smallest ones have been several hundred strong and the largest ones over 10,000. The average attendance is probably in the low thousands. Another example of high mobilization is that when the police have closed encampments, students have been back in the streets almost at once.
  • The role of women. A favorite trope of Islamophobia is the subjugation of women. In this movement, women have played a leading role. It’s noticeable that young women are not just the rally speakers and spokespeople, they also play a prominent role in the marshalling including during confrontational situations.
  • The politics of the movement. The profound internationalism is obvious for all to see. This movement is a solidarity movement, not just a cease-fire movement. The young militants actively take the side of the Palestinians in the current war. The anti-Democratic Party nature of the movement should be looked at carefully. This issue is generally the Achilles heel of social movements in this country. This movement has far fewer illusions in the Democratic Party than any movement in a very long time. Chants denouncing “Genocide Joe” are omnipresent. Democratic politicians are frequently denounced. For once the chant, “We’ll remember in November” has a left wing, not a reformist, content. We should be prepared for this left wing aspect of the movement to come under enormous “lesser evilest” pressure as the election approaches.
  • The far left is welcome in the movement. The banners, paper sellers, and literature tables of left groups are a frequent sight at the demonstrations. There is no hostility to these ideas and members of the groups can be seen in friendly discussions with the young militants. The rather maximalist slogan “One solution, revolution” is a particularly popular chant on the marches! This tells us something of the nature of the movement.

Israeli frenzy is increasing. The suffering of the Palestinians is at an excruciating level. A new youth movement is marching in the capitals of the world. The revolutionary left is facing its best opportunities in decades. The stakes couldn’t be any higher.

Adam Shils
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Adam Shils is a member of the International Socialism Project in Chicago.